The right-wing is predominantly preoccupied with demographic concerns, particularly the perceived threat of demographic change. Central to this is the "great replacement theory," which posits that unfiltered immigration is a deliberate effort to replace the native culture and inhabitants. According to this theory, mass migration, demographic growth, and a decline in the birth rate of white Europeans will result in a "genocide by substitution," particularly led by non-white populations from Latin America or Muslim-majority countries.
For right-wingers, the fear of demographic replacement is seen as an existential threat, often leading to extremism and an increase in stochastic terrorist attacks worldwide. Notably, there is internal disagreement, with some opposing terrorism as detrimental to their cause. Instead, they advocate for achieving their goals by shifting the Overton window and emphasizing the necessity of immigration control.
Policies like Suella Braverman's proposal to deport illegal immigrants to Rwanda or Donald Trump's idea of securing the southern border with a wall are manifestations of this immigration control narrative. However, the right faces opposition not only from the left but from various political spectra. The left argues that demographics are not the primary threat to the West; instead, they attribute it to monopoly capital and its contradictions. They contend that the right's grievances toward immigrants are a surrogate for their larger concerns about the ruling class and the failures of monopoly capital.
The Right is not a monolith for example, Right libertarians, exemplified by figures like the Koch brothers, diverge from the emphasis on demographics, asserting that capital itself reigns supreme in the West. Their foundational belief is in the idea of a fertile land abundant with opportunities, where individual liberty either clashes with or takes precedence over group identitarian politics.
Some on the right speculate that despite right-wing influence globally, the surge of immigration, be it at the southern border of the United States or in Europe from sub-Saharan migrants and Arabs, is not due to an inability to secure borders. Instead, they argue that monopoly capital directly benefits from immigration by accessing a larger pool of cheap labour and expansion of the consumer market, and declarations of being tough on immigration are seen as strategic moves to garner votes.
Consider the "wordcell/shapecell" discussion on Twitter. If a significant portion of people struggle to visualize a simple object like an apple rotating freely in 3D space, how can we expect them to intrinsically comprehend complex systems like economics and monitor the way these conceptual systems gradually affect their daily lives?
To perpetuate the benefits of cheap labour from immigration, the elite lobbies the political apparatus for relaxed immigration laws while simultaneously employing emotional, quasi-nationalistic, and at times, fascist propaganda to appeal to voters to obfuscate their true nature. Appeals to emotion allow the ruling class to avoid accountability for the facilitation and profit from the cheap labour that immigration provides by portraying the immigrants as opportunistic or parasitic.
rules for thee…
Traditionally, the right has been a reliable ally to the Zionist propaganda machine pushing propaganda to control context and sanitise the ongoing conflict. Israel, lacking the abundance of raw footage like Palestinians, relies on shaping narratives. Crafting propaganda that dehumanizes the enemy while painting oneself as the victim is challenging. Conservative media is strictly instructed to toe the line, avoiding probing questions that might expose the falsehood.
However, this policy has drawn ire, with some right-wing media figures facing accusations of anti-Semitism for questioning claims or seeking evidence. The desperation to control the narrative has backfired, alienating the only ally. These unequal demands from right-wing media and Israel's typical unequal relationship with its supporters highlight differences in the goals of the American and Israeli Right.
Israel being a Jewish ethnostate has already achieved demographically what the American Right has been aiming for in under 100 years
The Israeli West Bank barrier— a giant wall to prevent undocumented individuals from entering illegally or leaving the Palestinian territories was constructed in 2000 and completed in 2005 draws parallels to the American Rights desire for a southern border wall constructed under Trump’s presidency
The fact that the USA’s closest ally has managed to accomplish this within a fraction of the time and with minimal resistance, domestically and on the global stage. Where the right tirelessly had to shift the Overton window to make these concepts palatable to everyday voters, provides legitimacy to the Rights objectives of immigration control and demographics. It can no longer be disregarded as simply a racist dream. The dissident right can see the Zionist machine’s desperation in sanitising this conflict and is using it as leverage by refusing to carry water for the Israeli propaganda machine until those Israeli Right-wing media conglomerates start pushing American conservative values.
[I feel that the desperation to preserve its allies on the right will see a strong push in the American right to put ideas of demographics and the paranoia of white genocide in the mainstream purely to pacify the American right. The empiricism of race and immigration politics in the mainstream is powerful and very effective, and I really think this will create the foundation to accelerate several causes.]
I wrote that paragraph on the 19th November 2023, it is now the 7th of December 2023 and as of writing this Vivek Ramaswamy mentioned the great replacement theory on the debate stage, the overton window is officially shifted. 👁️